The Overlooked Epistle of Jude

Gaye Strathearn

Gaye Strathearn, 鈥淭he Overlooked Epistle of Jude,鈥 Shedding Light on the New Testament: Acts鈥揜evelation, ed. Ray L. Huntington, Frank F. Judd Jr., and David M. Whitchurch (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 2009), 227鈥46.

Gaye Strathearn is an assistant professor of ancient scripture at Brigham Young University.

J. Daryl Charles wrote, 鈥淭he message and world of the epistle of Jude are strangely unfamiliar to the modern reader. Even among students of the New Testament this unfamiliarity is conspicuous. One is hard-pressed to find a single monograph which deals with the exegetical or theological problems raised by the letter.鈥[1] In Latter-day Saint writings we find a similar dearth.[2] As a teacher of the New Testament who constantly struggles to cover all that I want to in my classes, for a number of years I skipped over the Epistle of Jude so that I could have more time in Revelation. In the past few years, however, I have instituted a course correction to make sure that I include this short but powerful book of scripture. For Latter-day Saints in particular, Jude contains references that become more meaningful when viewed through the lens of Restoration teaching: the Apostasy, our premortal first estate, the translation of Moses, and our belief in an open canon.

Who Was Jude?

The author introduces himself in the first verse as 鈥淛ude, the servant of Jesus Christ, and the brother of James.鈥 A second-century writer by the name of Hegesippus wrote of Jude, 鈥淲ho is said to have been [Christ鈥檚] brother, according to the flesh鈥[3] (see Mark 6:3; Matthew 13:55).

Some suggest that Jude was an Apostle. This conclusion is based on two very different arguments. The first argument appeals to the King James translation of Luke鈥檚 lists of Apostles in Luke 6:16 and Acts 1:13. Both passages include in the apostolic list 鈥淛udas the brother of James,鈥 and thus some have identified this Apostle Jude with the author of the epistle.[4] This connection, however, is problematic on at least two fronts. Textually a difficulty arises with the phrase 鈥渢he brother.鈥 It is italicized in the King James Translation because, unlike the corresponding passage in Jude 1:1, there is no specific equivalent in the Greek text. Rather, the translators have inserted the phrase. Literally, the Greek texts in both passages read 鈥淛udas of James鈥 (Ioudan Iak艒bou), and there is good contextual evidence to indicate that this phrase should be interpreted patronymically, 鈥淛udas the son of James.鈥 For example, the King James translators chose a patronymical translation for a similar construction describing the relationship between James and Alphaeus in the same apostolic lists in Luke 6:15 and Acts 1:13. Again the Greek texts read 鈥淛ames of Alphaeus鈥 (Iak艒bon Alphaiou ), but in these cases the King James translators rendered them as 鈥淛ames the son of Alphaeus.鈥 In addition, in Luke 6:14 when Luke wants to identify a sibling relationship between Peter and Andrew, he uses specific language: 鈥淪imon . . . and Andrew his brother鈥 (厂颈尘艒苍补 . . . kai Andrean ton adelphon autou). Therefore, the link between the Jude of the epistle and the lists of Apostles in Luke and Acts is, at best, tenuous.[5]

Another argument suggests that Jude may be identified with the Apostle Thomas.[6] The Gospel of John, the only gospel that mentions Thomas outside the Apostle lists, identifies him as 鈥淭homas, which is called Didymus鈥 (John 11:16; see also 20:24; 21:2). Three major texts of East Syrian provenance, the Gospel of Thomas, the Book of Thomas the Contender, and the Acts of Thomas, however, identify him as Didymos Judas Thomas (Gospel of Thomas II 32.10鈥11), Judas Thomas (II, 7 Book of Thomas the Contender 138.1鈥2), or Judas Thomas, who is called Didymus (Acts of Thomas 1).[7] Both the names Didymus in Greek and Thomas in Aramaic mean 鈥渢win.鈥 Therefore, it is argued that Judas or Jude is the proper name of the Apostle and that Didymos and Thomas act as descriptive terms to identify Judas as a twin. The Gospel account gives no indication of the identity of Judas鈥檚 twin, but the Acts of Thomas (31, 39) and the Book of Thomas the Contender (138.7) identify Judas Thomas as the twin brother of Christ.[8] Therefore, the reasoning goes, if the author of Jude鈥檚 epistle is the same individual named Thomas in the canonical lists of the Apostles, then Jude had apostolic authority.

There are however, some problems with this line of reasoning. First, the identification of Judas Thomas as Jesus鈥檚 twin in the Syrian texts has serious implications for the doctrine of the virgin birth. Restoration scripture, while not weighing in on the relationship between Thomas and Jude, boldly declares the reality of the virgin birth (see 1 Nephi 11:12鈥20; see also 2 Nephi 17:14; Alma 7:10) and that Jesus was the only Begotten Son of God (see 2 Nephi 25:12; Jacob 4:5; D&C 20:21; 138:57). Second, the identification of the Apostle Thomas with Judas is attested in only one limited geographical area of the early Christian Church: eastern Syria. Third, within that geographical area, the belief that Judas Thomas was Jesus鈥檚 twin is limited to only two works, the Acts of Thomas and the Book of Thomas the Contender, although 鈥渋t may well be presupposed in the Gospel of Thomas.鈥[9] Both of these texts are late and reflect a specific theological position.[10] The tradition appears outside of eastern Syria 鈥渙nly in much later works under the influence of the Acts of Thomas.鈥[11] It should be noted that in these texts the label of 鈥渢win鈥 does not simply imply that Thomas 鈥渨as thought to resemble his brother Jesus so greatly that he almost seemed his twin.鈥[12] Rather the texts reflect a particular theological outlook that the elect race has a divine double or image.[13] Sometimes the image is described as a garment, as in the 鈥淗ymn of the Pearl鈥 in the Acts of Thomas. From this theological perspective, Thomas is the human embodiment of that garment, which must be reunited with its principal to secure salvation.

It is therefore difficult to definitively identify Jude as an Apostle. It may simply be that his epistle received canonical status because of his family association with both Jesus and James.

Use of the Epistle of Jude

The earliest extant copy of the Epistle of Jude is a small papyrus codex from the Bodmer collection, p72.[14] The codex, which probably dates to the third century, also contained 1 and 2 Peter and some other noncanonical texts.[15] Although Jude was not quoted widely in the existing documents of the early Church, it seems to have been known and/or quoted by Clement of Alexandria (died AD 215; The Instructor, 3.8), Origen (AD 185鈥254; On First Principles, 3.2.1), and Tertullian (AD 160鈥225; On the Apparel of Women, 1.3). The Muratorian Canon, often dated to about AD 200, notes that at the time it was written, the epistle of Jude was 鈥渁ccepted in the catholic Church.鈥[16] The paucity of early references, however, led Eusebius to categorize it among 鈥渢he Disputed Books鈥 although he readily admits it has 鈥渂een used publicly . . . in most churches鈥 (History of the Church, 2.23.25).

In this dispensation, Jude鈥檚 epistle received limited attention in the writings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. In his New Translation of the Bible, the Prophet only makes changes to verses 1 and 11 of the King James text. In verse 1 he identifies Jude as 鈥渢he servant of God, called of Jesus Christ, and brother of James, to them who are sanctified of the Father, and preserved in Jesus Christ.鈥 The second is a minor adjustment in verse 11, where he changes the verb 鈥減erish鈥 from past to future tense.[17]

There are only two other references that the Prophet made to Jude and his epistle. The first comes in a discussion of the mission of Enoch. Here Joseph teaches that Enoch appeared to Jude, which may suggest why he made reference to Enoch鈥檚 writings in verses 14 and 15 in his epistle. 鈥淣ow this Enoch God reserved unto Himself, that he should not die at that time, and appointed unto him a ministry unto terrestrial bodies, of whom there has been but little revealed. He is reserved also unto the presidency of a dispensation. . . . He is a ministering angel, to minister to those who shall be heirs of salvation, and appeared unto Jude as Abel did unto Paul; therefore Jude spoke of him. And Enoch, the seventh from Adam, revealed these sayings: 鈥楤ehold, the Lord cometh with ten thousand of His Saints.鈥欌[18]

The second reference comes from a discussion of books mentioned but not contained in our present Bible: 鈥淢uch conjecture and conversation frequently occurred among the Saints, concerning the books mentioned, and referred to, in various places in the Old and New Testaments, which were now nowhere to be found. The common remark was, 鈥楾hey are lost books;鈥 but it seems that the Apostolic Church had some of these writings, as Jude mentions or quotes the Prophecy of Enoch, the seventh man from Adam.鈥[19] I will return to this subject later in this article.

The Message of the Epistle of Jude in Light of the Restoration

In the opening verses, Jude indicates that his initial desire in writing this epistle is to 鈥渨rite unto you concerning the common salvation鈥 (v. 3; author鈥檚 translation). Elder Bruce R. McConkie understands 鈥渢he common salvation鈥 to mean 鈥渟alvation is available to all men, not just a select few. Eternal life is not reserved for apostles and prophets, for the saints of Enoch鈥檚 day, or for the martyrs of the Christian Dispensation. . . . The eternal call of the Eternal God is: 鈥楬o, every one that thirsteth, come ye to the waters, and he that hath no money; come ye, buy, and eat; yea, come, buy wine and milk without money and without price,鈥 for 鈥榮alvation is free!鈥欌[20]

Something had happened, however, to induce Jude to shift focus and write a different letter: 鈥淚t was needful for me to write unto you, and exhort you that ye should earnestly contend for the faith which was once delivered unto the saints鈥 (v. 3). Jude describes the incursion of apostasy into the community that he addresses: 鈥淔or there are certain men crept in unawares, who were before of old ordained to this condemnation, ungodly men, turning the grace of our God into lasciviousness, and denying the only Lord God, and our Lord Jesus Christ鈥 (v. 4). Later in his epistle Jude notes that the Apostles had forewarned the Saints, 鈥淭here should be mockers in the last time who should walk after their own ungodly lusts. These be they who separate themselves, sensual, having not the Spirit鈥 (vv. 17鈥19). The translation of 鈥渟eparate themselves鈥 comes from the Greek word 补辫辞诲颈辞谤颈锄艒, meaning to 鈥渕ark off by dividing or separating.鈥[21] In other words, they caused a division in the Church. Peter, who may have known of Jude鈥檚 epistle, warned, 鈥淏ut there were false prophets also among the people, even as there shall be false teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them, and bring upon themselves swift destruction. And many shall follow their pernicious ways鈥 (2 Peter 2:1鈥2).[22]

The doctrine of the Apostasy is the bedrock upon which the need for a restoration is founded. Elder Neal A. Maxwell has taught, 鈥淭eaching about history鈥檚 major apostasies has long been one of the restored gospel鈥檚 鈥榞ivens.鈥欌 He notes that while the fullness of the gospel was 鈥減reached from the beginning鈥 (Moses 5:58), 鈥渢his initial fullness was soon lost. Resulting fragmentation, diffusion, and distortion contributed to a wide variety of world religions鈥擟hristian and non-Christian. . . . New Testament epistles clearly indicate that serious and widespread apostasy鈥攏ot just sporadic dissent鈥攂egan soon.鈥[23]

The brevity of Jude鈥檚 epistle makes it difficult to pinpoint the specific circumstances that led to his epistle. Jude does make it clear, however, that the problems were internal in nature. He also specifies that the deeds of those who were responsible had been proclaimed or written down long ago (see v. 4).[24] Paul had taught the Thessalonians that the Second Coming would not come until there had been an apostasia, or rebellion, within the Church (see 2 Thessalonians 2:3) and had warned the Saints at the Miletus conference that after his 鈥渄eparting shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock. Also of your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them鈥 (Acts 20:29鈥30). Centuries before Jude wrote his epistle, Nephi prophesied that after the fullness of the gospel goes 鈥渇orth by the hand of the twelve apostles of the Lamb, from the Jews to the Gentiles . . . many parts which are plain and most precious are taken away.鈥 Nephi learned that the purpose was 鈥渢hat they might pervert the right ways of the Lord鈥 (1 Nephi 13:24鈥27). Likewise Isaiah prophesied, 鈥淭his people draw near me with their mouth, and with their lips do honor me, but have removed their heart far from me, and their fear toward me is taught by the precept of men鈥 (Isaiah 29:13), a principle that was later reiterated to the boy Joseph in the Sacred Grove (see Joseph Smith鈥擧istory 1:19).

Jude鈥檚 main concern was for the doctrinal drift within the Church. He asked the Saints to 鈥渃ontend for the faith which was once delivered unto the saints.鈥 The Greek word translated as 鈥渃ontend鈥 is 别辫补驳艒苍颈锄辞尘补颈 and suggests that to 鈥渟tand up for the faith鈥 is to engage in a noble cause.[25] His appeal is not just that his readers defend the faith but that they actively fight to promote the gospel.[26] Thus we see at the end of the epistle Jude encouraging the members to go about 鈥渂uilding up yourselves on your most holy faith, praying in the Holy Ghost, keep yourselves in the love of God, looking for the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ unto eternal life鈥 (vv. 20鈥21). Likewise, in this dispensation, when Oliver Cowdery gave his charge to the Twelve, he also exhorted them to 鈥渃ontend for the faith.鈥 He says, 鈥淵ou are to contend for the faith once delivered to the saints. Jacob, you know, wrestled till he had obtained. It was by fervent prayer and diligent search that you have obtained the testimony you are now able to bear. You are as one; you are equal in bearing the keys of the Kingdom to all nations. You are called to preach the Gospel of the Son of God to the nations of the earth; it is the will of your heavenly Father, that you proclaim His Gospel to the ends of the earth and the islands of the sea.鈥[27]

In the body of his epistle, Jude discusses some issues and doctrines that are of particular interest to Latter-day Saints: the first estate, Michael the Archangel, the death of Moses, and nonbiblical texts (the Assumption of Moses and 1 Enoch).

The First Estate (verse 6)

In verse 6 Jude includes a statement that teaches a doctrine particularly important for Latter-day Saints: 鈥淎nd the angels which kept not their first estate [t膿n heaut艒n 补谤肠丑脓n], but left their own habitation, he hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness unto the judgment of the great day.鈥 The Greek word that the King James Version translates as 鈥渆state鈥 is 补谤肠丑脓, the same word used at the beginning of John鈥檚 Gospel, 鈥淚n the beginning [补谤肠丑脓] was the Word鈥 (John 1:1). Various English translations have rendered the 补谤肠丑脓 in Jude 1:6 as 鈥減ositions of authority鈥 (New International Version), 鈥渢heir own domain鈥 (New American Standard Bible), 鈥渢heir own principality鈥 (American Standard Version), or 鈥渢he authority they had鈥 (Jerusalem Bible). Each of these translations reflects a nuance of the Greek word 补谤肠丑脓. The sense is that 补谤肠丑脓 refers to a period at the beginning of time, or at least the beginning of time for this earth (see Moses 1:33鈥35), but it also conveys a sense that this premortal period was a time of power and dominion.[28]

Like Jude, Peter taught, 鈥淕od spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness, to be reserved unto judgment鈥 (2 Peter 2:4). Clearly, his understanding was that the angels lost their position or first estate because of sin, but to what specific event was Jude referring? Many biblical commentators connect the passage with Genesis 6:1鈥4, which describes the sons of God taking daughters of men as wives.[29] The Genesis passage is expanded in 1 Enoch, where the 鈥渟ons of God鈥 are identified as 鈥渢he angels, the children of heaven鈥 (6:1鈥2). Certainly, there are numerous literary connections with the account in 1 Enoch.[30]

Because of the Restoration, however, Latter-day Saints understand this passage very differently. The First Presidency has written, 鈥淭he most reliable way to measure the accuracy of any biblical passage is not by comparing different texts, but by comparison with the Book of Mormon and modern-day revelations.鈥[31] Abraham 3 provides important information for understanding Jude 1:6. Here we learn that 鈥渋ntelligences were organized before the world was鈥 (Abraham 3:22) and that God declared, 鈥淎nd we will prove them herewith, to see if they will do all things whatsoever the Lord their God shall command them; and they who keep their first estate shall be added upon; and they who keep not their first estate shall not have glory in the same kingdom with those who keep their first estate; and they who keep their second estate shall have glory added upon their heads for ever and ever.鈥 The context suggests that 鈥渢hose who keep their first estate鈥 were 鈥渕any of the noble and great ones鈥 who followed the one 鈥渓ike unto the Son of Man鈥 (vv. 22, 27). These were those whom God promised He would make His rulers (see v. 23). President Heber J. Grant taught, 鈥淲e have been placed upon this earth because of our faithfulness in having kept our first estate. The labors that we performed in the sphere that we left before we came here have had a certain effect upon our lives here, and to a certain extent they govern and control the lives that we lead here, just the same as the labors that we do here will control and govern our lives when we pass from this stage of existence.鈥[32]

In contrast, those who kept not their first estate were the 鈥渕any [who] followed after鈥 Satan (v. 28). Doctrine and Covenants 29:36鈥38 is even more specific and identifies 鈥渢he many鈥 as 鈥渁 third part of the hosts of heaven.鈥 Thus, instead of connecting Jude 1:6 with Genesis 6:1鈥4, Latter-day Saints see a much stronger connection with Revelation 12:7鈥9, 鈥淎nd there was a war in heaven: Michael and his angels fought against the dragon; and the dragon fought and his angels, And prevailed not; neither was their place found any more in heaven. And the great dragon was cast out, that old serpent, called the Devil, and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world: he was cast out into the earth, and his angels were cast out with him.鈥[33] The Prophet Joseph Smith taught that when Satan fell, 鈥淗e sought for things which were unlawful. Hence he was sent down, and it is said he drew many away with him; and the greatness of his punishment is that he shall not have a tabernacle.鈥 Further, 鈥淭he contention in heaven was鈥擩esus said there would be certain souls that would not be saved; and the devil said he could save them all, and laid his plans before the grand council, who gave their vote in favor of Jesus Christ. So the devil rose up in rebellion against God, and was cast down, with all who put up their heads for him.鈥[34] This Restoration view of Jude鈥檚 mention of 鈥渢he angels who kept not their first estate鈥 is very different from other Christian and academic readings of the verse.

Michael the Archangel (Verse 9)

A second verse for which the Restoration provides significant insight is verse 9, which reads, 鈥淏ut when Michael, the archangel, when contending with the devil he disputed about the body of Moses, durst not bring against him a railing accusation, but said, The Lord rebuke thee.鈥 In Jewish tradition, Michael is the leader of archangels who dwell in the presence of God (Ascension of Isaiah 3:16). In this capacity, he functions in a number of roles. He is 鈥渢he patron angel of Israel . . . fighting for Israel鈥 against her enemies, he is 鈥渁n intercessor for Israel before God,鈥 he keeps 鈥渢he heavenly books,鈥 and he is the leader of the angels who cast Satan from heaven (Revelation 12:7鈥9).[35]

Latter-day revelation provides additional information. The Doctrine and Covenants teaches us that Michael will play an important role at the resurrection and at the end of the Millennium. Doctrine and Covenants 29:26 reads, 鈥淏ut, behold, verily I say unto you, before the earth shall pass away, Michael, mine archangel, shall sound his trump, and then shall all the dead awake, for their graves shall be opened, and they shall come forth鈥攜ea, even all.鈥 Then, at the end of the Millennium, when Satan is loosed, 鈥淢ichael, the seventh angel, even the archangel, shall gather together his armies, even the hosts of heaven. And the devil shall gather together his armies; even the hosts of hell, and shall come up to battle against Michael and his armies. And then cometh the battle of the great God; and the devil and his armies shall be cast away into their own place, that they shall not have power over the saints any more at all. For Michael shall fight their battles, and shall overcome him who seeketh the throne of him who sitteth upon the throne, even the Lamb,鈥 (D&C 88:112鈥15).

Perhaps most significantly, Restoration teachings identify Michael as Adam (See D&C 27:11; 107:54; 128:21). The Prophet Joseph Smith taught that he 鈥渋s the father of the human family, and presides over the spirits of all men, and all that have had the keys must stand before him in the grand council.鈥 Further, he is 鈥渢he first to hold the spiritual blessings, to whom was made known the plan of ordinances for the salvation of his posterity unto the end, and to whom Christ was first revealed, and through whom Christ has been revealed from heaven, and will continue to be revealed from henceforth.鈥[36]

The Death of Moses (Verse 9)

In addition to introducing Michael, verse 9 also includes an intriguing reference to a dispute between him and the devil over the body of Moses.[37] Jude assumes that the account was familiar to his audience. According to some early Christian texts, Jude is quoting from a document known as the Assumption of Moses.[38] From parallel Jewish stories, we can assume that the debate was over who should have control of Moses鈥檚 body.[39] The account in Deuteronomy says that 鈥淢oses the servant of the Lord died . . . in the land of Moab, according to the word of the Lord. And he buried him in a valley in the land of Moab, over against Bethpeor: but no man knoweth of his sepulcher unto this day鈥 (Deuteronomy 34:1). Some Jewish sources accept that Moses died as other mortals.[40] The account in Josephus, however, says that while he was on the mountain Abarim, 鈥(one that affords, to such as are on it, a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent land of Canaan,) [Moses] dismissed the senate; and as he was going to embrace Eleazar and Joshua, and was still discoursing with them, a cloud stood over him on the sudden, and he disappeared in a certain valley, although he wrote in the holy books that he died, which was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say that, because of his extraordinary virtue, he went to God鈥 (Antiquities of the Jews, 4.8.48).

Concerning the end of Moses鈥檚 life, the Book of Mormon compares it to that of Alma the Younger: 鈥淎nd this we know, that he [Alma] was a righteous man; and the saying went abroad in the church that he was taken up by the Spirit, or buried by the hand of the Lord, even as Moses. But behold, the scriptures saith the Lord took Moses unto himself; and we suppose that he has also received Alma in the spirit, unto himself; therefore, for this cause we know nothing concerning his death and burial鈥 (Alma 45:19). Latter-day Saints understand these passages to mean that Moses did not die, but was translated, as was Elijah. President Boyd K. Packer wrote, Elijah and Moses 鈥渨ere both translated鈥攖aken from the earth without experiencing mortal death. . . . There were things that both Elijah and Moses must pass on to others in the flesh in the generations that were still to come, and they would come back to earth to do that before experiencing the change from mortality to resurrected being.鈥[41] It would appear, therefore, that the argument between Michael and the devil cannot have been over who would control the body because, as a translated being, Moses kept his body. Speaking of translated beings, Mormon teaches, 鈥淭here must needs be a change wrought upon their bodies, or else it need be that they must taste of death鈥 (3 Nephi 28:37). It may be, therefore, that what Michael and the devil are disputing over is whether Moses was worthy to be translated, not who should have control of the body after he had died.

The Assumption of Moses (Verse 9) and 1 Enoch (Verses 14鈥15)

Jude鈥檚 quotation from the Assumption of Moses raises a question of importance for Latter-day Saints: why does he quote from a nonbiblical source? The issue becomes even more significant where he, in verses 14鈥15, seems to be quoting from another nonbiblical text, 1 Enoch. Jude writes, 鈥淎nd Enoch also, the seventh from Adam, prophesied of these, saying, Behold, the Lord cometh with ten thousands of his saints, To execute upon all, and to convince all that are ungodly among them of all their ungodly deeds which they have ungodly committed, and of all their hard speeches which ungodly sinners have spoken against him鈥 (see also 1 Enoch 1:9). In the Christian Church, 1 Enoch appears to have played an important role. For example, two influential Christian authors from the second century quote from it: Irenaeus (Against Heresies, 4.36.4), and Justin Martyr (2 Apology, 5). In addition, the Epistle of Barnabas quotes 1 Enoch using the formula, 鈥淔or the Scripture says鈥 (16.5鈥6), and Tertullian specifically used Jude鈥檚 quotation of 1 Enoch to argue for the latter鈥檚 authenticity (On the Apparel of Women, 1.3). By the time of Jerome (fifth century), however, many considered the quotation to be evidence that the Epistle of Jude was not inspired scripture.[42] In this dispensation, the Prophet Joseph associated Jude鈥檚 quotation from 1 Enoch with the prophecy of Enoch recorded in Moses 7.[43]

Jude鈥檚 use of the Assumption of Moses and 1 Enoch reminds readers that the concept of scripture was much more fluid in Jude鈥檚 day than during the fourth century, when, from the perspective of many Christians, the canon became a closed entity.[44] In the earliest period of Christianity the only scriptural texts available were the Hebrew Bible, which was itself still in a certain period of fluidity and which included texts from the Old Testament Apocrypha.[45] When the Prophet Joseph was engaged in his translation of the Old Testament, he inquired of the Lord about how he should approach the apocryphal texts included in his version of the King James Bible. The Lord instructed him, 鈥淭here are many things contained therein that are true, and it is mostly translated correctly,鈥 but he also warned, 鈥淭here are many things contained therein that are not true, which are interpolations by the hands of men. . . . Therefore, whoso readeth it, let him understand, for the Spirit manifesteth truth; and whoso is enlightened by the Spirit shall obtain benefit therefrom鈥 (D&C 91:1鈥5).

With time the early Christian Churches developed their own scriptural texts, which included texts that were not later included in the canon. For example, the Muratorian Canon includes texts such as epistles to the Laodiceans and the Alexandrians (although it claims that 鈥渋t was forged in Paul鈥檚 name for the sect of Marcion鈥), the Revelation of Peter, the Wisdom of Solomon, and the Shepherd of Hermas. Other texts that were also quoted authoritatively in the early Christian Church included 1 Clement, the Epistle of Barnabas, and the Acts of Paul.

While Jude鈥檚 use of noncanonical texts may be difficult to explain for those who adhere to a closed canon, Latter-day Saints are not faced with the same conundrum. The Prophet Joseph, in answer to the question, 鈥淚s not the canon of Scriptures full?鈥 replied, 鈥淚f it is, there is a great defect in the book, or else it would have said so.鈥[46] Latter-day Saints have always accepted that both scripture and canon are subject to expansion because we believe in the principle of continuing revelation from God. Jude鈥檚 epistle confirms that he has also acknowledged an expanded version of scriptural texts.

Conclusion

The Epistle of Jude is a short but important scriptural text. Because of the teachings of the Restoration, Latter-day Saints are well equipped to recognize and appreciate its contribution. Although Eusebius listed Jude鈥檚 epistle among 鈥渢he Disputed Books,鈥 the Latter-day Saint doctrines of the Apostasy, the premortal existence, the identity of Michael, the translation of Moses, and an expanded canon all provide an interpretive lens through which we can see the important role this text plays in our New Testament canon.

Notes

[1] J. Daryl Charles, 鈥淛ude鈥檚 Use of Pseudepigraphical Source-Material as Part of a Literary Strategy,鈥 in New Testament Studies 37 (1991): 130.

[2] Some exceptions are M. Catherine Thomas, 鈥淩efuge in God鈥檚 Love,鈥 in Studies in Scripture, Volume 6: Acts to Revelation, ed. by Robert L. Millet (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987), 244鈥55, and T. John Nielsen II, 鈥淛ude: A Call to Contend for the Faith,鈥 in The New Testament and the Latter-day Saints: The 1987 Sidney B. Sperry Symposium (Orem, UT: Randall Book, 1987), 219鈥32.

[3] As recorded by Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 3.20.1; see also Richard Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus in the Early Church (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1990), 5鈥32.

[4] Nielsen, 鈥淛ude,鈥 221.

[5] Elder Bruce R. McConkie attempts to harmonize the apostolic lists in Matthew, Mark and Luke. In this he follows Elder Talmage鈥檚 lead in Jesus the Christ, and identifies Judas as the same individual as 鈥淟ebbeus or Thaddeus鈥 (Doctrinal New Testament Commentary [Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1979], 1:211). It should be noted, however, that Elder Talmage recognizes the difficulties in the translation of 鈥淛udas of James鈥 in Luke 6:16 and Acts 1:13. He concludes, 鈥淲e are uninformed as to which James is referred to, and as to whether the Judas here mentioned was the son, the brother, or some other relative of the unidentified James鈥 (Jesus the Christ [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982], 214). Elder McConkie does not include this caveat in his discussion of the author of the Epistle of Jude (Doctrinal New Testament Commentary, 3:416).

[6] Helmut Koester, 鈥Gn艒mai Diaphoroi: The Origin and Nature of Diversification in the History of Early Christianity,鈥 Harvard Theological Review 58 (1965): 297. See also the recent discussion by John F. Hall, New Testament Witnesses of Christ: Peter, John, James, and Paul (American Fork, UT: Covenant Communications, Inc., 2002), 171鈥72. This identification, however, does not explain Jude鈥檚 self-description as 鈥渢he brother of James.鈥

[7] For other instances of the name Judas Thomas, see the Curetonian syriac version of John 14:22 and the Abgar legend in Eusebius, History of the Church 1.13.11.

[8] John J. Gunther, however, has argued that the association of Judas with Didymus Thomas as Jesus鈥檚 twin results from an amalgamation of two traditions about Judas Thaddaeus and Didymus Thomas (鈥淭he Meaning and Origin of the Name 鈥楯udas Thomas,鈥欌 惭耻蝉茅辞苍 93 [1980]: 113鈥48).

[9] Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus, 33.

[10] Both the Book of Thomas the Contender and the Acts of Thomas date to the first half of the third century AD (John D. Turner, 鈥淚ntroduction to The Book of Thomas the Contender [II,7],鈥 in The Nag Hammadi Library in English, ed. James M. Robinson, rev. ed. [San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1990], 199). For a discussion on the theological outlook of the Thomas material, see Gregory J. Riley, 鈥淭homas Tradition and the Acts of Thomas,鈥 Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers 30 (1991): 533鈥42 and Riley, Resurrection Reconsidered: Thomas and John in Controversy (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995).

[11] Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus, 33.

[12] Hall, New Testament Witnesses of Christ, 171.

[13] Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion: The Message of the Alien God and the Beginnings of Christianity (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963), 122鈥29.

[14] For an extensive discussion on the manuscript witnesses to the Epistle of Jude, see Tommy Wasserman, The Epistle of Jude: Its Text and Transmission, Coniectanea Biblica New Testament Series 43 (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 2006), 104鈥21.

[15] Bruce M. Metzger and Bart D. Ehrman, The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 58.

[16] See Wilhelm Schneemelcher, ed., New Testament Apocrypha, trans. R. M. Wilson (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991), 1:36.

[17] See Scott H. Faulring, Kent P. Jackson, and Robert J. Matthews, eds., Joseph Smith鈥檚 New Translation of the Bible: Original Manuscripts (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 2004), 565.

[18] Joseph Smith, Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith, comp. Joseph Fielding Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976), 170.

[19] Smith, History of the Church, 1:132鈥33.

[20] McConkie, Doctrinal New Testament Commentary, 3:416鈥17.

[21] Walter Bauer, Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, trans. William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, rev. F. Wilbur Gingrich and Frederick W. Danker, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 90, s.v. 鈥溛碧壪慰未喂慰蟻委味蠅.鈥

[22] Both Jude and 2 Peter contain a significant amount of material in common. Scholars generally argue that 2 Peter is dependent upon the material in Jude, but it has also been argued that Jude is dependent on 2 Peter or that both texts are drawing from an independent source. For a discussion, see Wasserman, Epistle of Jude, 73鈥97.

[23] Neal A. Maxwell, 鈥淔rom the Beginning,鈥 Ensign, November 1993, 18.

[24] The King James Version translates 辫谤辞驳谤补辫丑艒 as 鈥渙rdained鈥濃斺渨ho were before of old ordained to this condemnation鈥濃攂ut its literal meaning is to 鈥渨rite before鈥 and is often used in the sense of being 鈥渨ritten earlier in the same document鈥 or 鈥渨ritten in an earlier document,鈥 or 鈥渢o proclaim鈥 or 鈥渢o write down鈥 Bauer, Greek-English Lexicon, s.v 鈥溝蟻慰纬蟻维蠁蠅.鈥

[25] Bauer, Greek-English Lexicon, 281, s.v. 鈥溼紣蟺伪纬蠅谓峤肺段课嘉蔽.鈥

[26] Richard J. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, Word Biblical Commentary 50 (Waco, TX: Word Books, 1983), 32.

[27] Smith, History of the Church, 2:196.

[28] Gerhard Kittel, ed., Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, trans. and ed. Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1964鈥1976), s.v. 鈥溼紑蟻蠂萎.鈥

[29] E. M. Sidebottom, James, Jude, 2 Peter; The New Century Bible Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1982), 85.

[30] 鈥渁bandon their home鈥 = 1 Enoch 12:4; 15:3; 鈥渏udgment of the great day鈥 = 1 Enoch 10:12; 22:11; 84:4; 鈥済loom鈥 = 1 Enoch 10:4鈥6; 鈥渃hains鈥 = 1 Enoch 13:1; 14:5; 56:1鈥4; 鈥渒ept鈥 = 2 Enoch 7:2 (Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 52鈥53).

[31] Letter from the First Presidency regarding the King James Version of the Bible, signed by Ezra Taft Benson, Gordon B. Hinckley, and Thomas S. Monson, May 22, 1992.

[32] Heber J. Grant, 鈥淩eward of Conscience,鈥 Improvement Era, February 1943, 75.

[33] McConkie, Doctrinal New Testament Commentary, 3:418.

[34] Smith, Teachings, 297, 357; see also Joseph Fielding Smith, Doctrines of Salvation (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1954鈥56), 1:65, and James E. Talmage, The Articles of Faith (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1987), 62鈥63.

[35] Duane F. Watson, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1992), s.v. 鈥淢ichael.鈥

[36] Smith, Teachings, 157, 167.

[37] The concept of a debate between one of God鈥檚 angels and the devil is also known in other sources (see Zechariah 3:1鈥5; Jubilees 17:15鈥18; 48:2鈥5; and the Dead Sea Scrolls fragment 4Q544).

[38] Clement of Alexandria, Comments on the Epistle of Jude; Origen, On First Principles, 3.2.1. An incomplete sixth-century manuscript of the Assumption of Moses (or Testament of Moses) does not include Jude鈥檚 reference in the extant material.

[39] One text from the Dead Sea Scrolls (4Q544) describes an account in which Moses鈥檚 father, Amram, has a vision of a dispute between two angels over him. One angel 鈥渉ad a dreadful appearance . . . and his clothing was coloured and obscured by darkness鈥 while the other 鈥渋n his appearance and his face was smiling鈥 (1.13鈥14). They were disputing because they 鈥淸have received] control and control all the sons of Adam鈥 (1.12). Translation from Florentino Garc铆a Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, The Qumran Texts in English, trans. Wilfred G. E. Watson (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 273颅.

[40] See, for example, Pseudo-Philo, 19. Christian texts usually refer to Enoch and Elijah being translated, but not Moses (1 Clement, 9.3; Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 19; Irenaeus, Against Heresies, 4.16.2; 5.5.1; Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 4.17; Tertullian, Against the Jews, 2, 4, A Treatise on the Soul, 50).

[41] Boyd K. Packer, The Holy Temple (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1980), 109.

[42] Jerome, Lives of Illustrious Men, 4.

[43] Smith, History of the Church, 1:132鈥33.

[44] Although the terms 鈥渟cripture鈥 and 鈥渃anon鈥 are sometimes used interchangeably, there is a distinction. 鈥淚f in connection with Christian writings the word 鈥榗anon鈥 originally had a specific sense of a fixed list of authoritative documents, the term 鈥榮cripture鈥 designates writings which are taken to be religiously authoritative and are used and valued as such, yet without regard to their systematic enumeration or limitation. Whereas the concept of canon presupposes the existence of scriptures, the concept of scripture does not necessarily entail the notion of canon. It is entirely possible to possess scriptures without also having a canon, and this was in fact the situation in the first several centuries of Christianity鈥 (Harry Y. Gamble, The New Testament Canon: Its Making and Meaning [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985], 18).

[45] For a discussion of early Christian use of authoritative sources, see Bruce M. Metzger, The Canon of the New Testament: Its Origin, Development, and Significance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 39颅鈥73.

[46] Smith, Teachings, 121.